第8章
《富兰克林自传》章节:第8章,宠文网网友提供全文无弹窗免费在线阅读。!
2在我任团长的短短时间内，一次我将出发到维吉尼亚旅行一趟，我团队中的军官们认为他们应当护送我出城直到下渡口。当我正在上马时，他们30、40个人，骑着马，全体穿着军服，来到我门前。事前我对此一无所知，否则我会加以劝阻的，因为我生性不喜欢在任何场合炫耀，摆排场。对他们的出现我真是感到万分懊恼，因为我无法拒绝他们的护送了。使得事情更糟糕的是，当我们上路了后，他们居然拔出了他们的配剑，并且一路上亮剑而行。有人为这件事写了个报告寄给领主，他大为不乐。他在宾西法尼亚的时候还从来没有受过这样隆重的敬礼，他的州长们也从未享受过这样的礼遇。他说只有王室的亲王才配受这样的敬礼。也许这是真的，但是我不太清楚。不管是过去还是现在，对这样的礼节我都是门外汉。
3但是这件愚蠢的事使得领主对我的敌意与日俱增。在这以前，由于我在州议会中有关他财产免税方面的言行，他本来就很恨我了。而且我一直激烈地反对这种免税，还严厉地斥责过他在要求这种特权时所表现的卑鄙无耻的不义行径。于是他向内阁控告我，说我对完成英王军务简直是一个巨大的障碍，说我利用我在州议会中的势力反对通过合适的筹款议案。他还援引我的军官们这次列队护送我的事件作为例证，说明我企图使用武力从他们手中夺取宾西法尼亚的政权。他还请邮政总长埃弗拉德·福克斯先生免除我的职务；但是他白操心了一场，只得到了埃弗拉德·福克斯爵士的一顿委婉的训诫而已。
4尽管议长和州议会之间龌龊的交易不断，作为一个议员，在他们的争论中我仍承担着很重要的一份，但是与州长之间我仍保持着一种谦恭有礼的关系，我们之间从未发生过个人的恩怨。有时候我想他之所以对我不抱怨或者很少抱怨可能是职业习惯的结果，因为大家知道对他的咨文的复文是我执笔的。他受过律师的训练，他或许认为，我们两人只是诉讼中双方的律师而已，他代表领主，而我代表州议会。因此，有时他到我家来，作一次友好探访，听听我对一些疑难问题的意见，有时他也会接受我的忠告，虽然这是很少有的事。
5我们曾共同合作替布莱德多克将军的部队采购粮秣。当他失利的可怕消息传到后，州长十万火急地，召我去见他，跟他商谈防止边陲居民逃亡的方法。现在我已不记得当时我建议了什么，但是我想我曾经建议他应当写信给丹巴，劝他尽可能地暂时把军队驻扎在边境上，以保护边区居民，等各殖民地的援军一到，他可以继续进行征讨。如果丹巴和他的部队忙于攻打其它地区的话，等我从边境回来以后，他可以命令我调动殖民地军队去征伐，去攻占杜肯堡。他提议任命我任将军，我对于我的军事才能的评估比他口头上对我的评价要低的多，并且我相信他口头上的评价一定超过了他真正的想法。但是，他认为，也许我的名望会有助于士兵的征集，我在州议会正的影响也会有助于州议会的拨款支付军饷，并且或许这项拨款可以免除领主财产的纳税。当他发现我并不像他想象的那样热衷于这事的时候，就放弃了这一计划。不久以后他卸职了，接替他的是丹尼上尉。
6在我叙述在新的州长治理下，我在公共事物方面的活动之前，或许可以插叙一下此段时期内我在哲学研究方面的进步。
1746年，我在波士顿时，遇见了一位思朋斯博士，他刚从苏格兰来不久，他做了一些电气实验给我看。但是这些实验做得并不完美，因为他的技术不是很熟练。但是因为这样的项目对我来说是全新的，所以我对它们感到又惊又喜。回到费城不久，我们图书馆从伦敦皇家协会的一个会员柯立迅先生那里收到了一个礼物，那就是一根玻璃管，且附有说明书，解释做这种实验时玻璃管的使用方法。我十分渴望抓住这样一个机会，重复我在波士顿所看到的实验，经过多次练习以后，我也能迅速熟练地做那些在英国寄来的书报中提到的实验了，同时我添加了几个新的实验。我说的经过多次练习，因为在一时期内我家经常客满为患，人们都跑来看这些新鲜的玩意儿。
7为了让朋友们也能够稍稍分担这样的负担，我叫玻璃厂制造了几根类似的玻璃管。这样，他们就都有做实验的设备了，最后我们就有好几个实验表演者了。在这些人当中，最主要的一个是金纳斯先生，他是我的一个邻居，那时他刚好失业了，因此，我就鼓励他通过向人们表演这些实验来赚些钱，并且给他写了两篇讲稿，在讲稿里我给他排好了实验的先后次序，与之同步的实验方法和说明，以便能帮助人们更好地理解实验。他为此买了一套漂亮的设备，在这套设备中凡是以前由我自己制造的粗糙的小零件，现在都由仪器制造商做得很漂亮细腻了。他的演讲很受欢迎，给人以美的享受；后来他走遍了每个殖民地，在每个重要城镇表演他的实验，因此赚了些钱。在西印第安群岛，做这样的实验有些难度，因为那里的空气一般的情况下都很潮湿。
8很感谢柯立迅先生给我们寄来这样的玻璃试管等其它实验器材，因此我觉得应该写封信对他表示我们的谢意，此外告诉他我们在使用这些东西所取得的成功，我就写了几封关于我们实验情况的信给他。他收到后并在皇家协会中宣读了它们，但是皇家协会一开始并不认为我们的东西值得注意，因此就没有在他们的刊物中发表。有篇论文，是我写给金纳斯先生的，关于论述闪电和电的同一性问题，我把它寄给了米切尔博士，我的一个老熟人，他也是皇家协会的成员，他写了一封信给我说他在会上已经宣读了我的论文，但是却受到了那些行家的嘲笑。然而，这些论文，被拿给富特吉尔博士看，他认为这些论文很有价值，不应该被埋没，建议应把它们刊印发表出来。柯立迅先生把它们交给凯夫，交代他在他的《绅士杂志》上发表；但是凯夫却把他们印成了单独的小册子，富特吉尔博士给写了序言。凯夫，看来他的生意算盘是拨对了，因为后来陆续加上去了寄过去的论文，这本论文集变成了一本厚厚的四开本，出了五版，可是却没花他分文的稿费。
9然而，在一段时期内，这些论文在英国并没有引起广泛关注，后来一个偶然的机缘，我的一篇论文落在了布丰伯爵的手里，他是法国著名的科学家，当然也是全欧洲著名的科学家。他就把它推荐给戴立波特先生，并要他翻译成法文，在巴黎出版。这一出版却让箬莱特神父大为生气，他是皇家科学的导师。他是个能干的实验派科学家，他以前自创了一个电学方面的理论并且发表了，这个理论在当时甚是流行。他起初不敢相信这个理论来自美洲，且说这一定是他的论敌们为了破坏他的理论体系在巴黎编造出来的。虽然他曾一度怀疑，但后来却不得不相信，在费城真的有一个叫富兰克林的家伙。他写了并印发了一系列的信件，这主要是写给我的，他的目的是捍卫他的理论，否认我的实验以及从我实验中得出来的确实数据的真实性。
10我曾经想给他回信，而且已经写好了回信的开头，但后来我转念一想，我的论文中讲述了实验的方法，任何人都可以重复检验，假如检验得有问题，那就用不着为自己辩护了；而我论文里的观点仅仅是作为假设提出来的，并不是武断的教条。因此，我也没有必要为它去辩护；两人之间的争辩，考虑的语言的不同，很有可能是因为翻译的时候，出现的一个小错误而引起的相互间的误解。这位神父有一封信中的大部分言论就是因为论文中的一个误译而引起的，因此我就没有为这些论文同他争辩。因为我相信，与其花大把的时间同他做些这样无谓的争辩，还不如利用这些时间多做几个新的实验。这样，我就从来没有给神父回过信，后来的事情证明我这样做是明智的。因为我的一个朋友，皇家科学协会会员李罗先生站出来为我辩护，驳斥了他的观点。我的论文集被译成了意大利文、德文和拉丁文，书中的学说也逐渐地为欧洲的科学家们普遍采纳，那神父的学说则被人们抛弃了。在他死之前，他几乎是孤家寡人一个，除了他的一个高足——巴黎的Ｂ先生追随他以外，剩下的就是他自己了。
11使得我的书突然畅销引起人们广泛注意的是书中所说的一个实验的成功，这是由戴立巴和德罗两位先生在马莱做的，这个实验的目的是为了把云端的电引到地面上来。这件事在当时引起了轰动，远近闻名。德罗先生有个实验室，他还讲授实验科学，重复他所谓的“费城实验”，在国王和王后面前表演以后，巴黎全城爱看热闹的人都蜂拥而至了。我在这里就不多说这个重要的实验以及我为之高兴的那个实验了，那是我不久以后在费城用一只风筝做的一个类似的实验，这个实验也取得了成功。因为这两件事在电学史上都有记载。
12一个英国医生叫莱特，他在巴黎的时候写信给他的朋友，他的朋友是一个皇家学会的会员，告诉他国外的学术界对我的实验非常重视，外国的学者不了解为什么我的著作在英国反而默默无闻。听到这样的消息后，皇家学会才重新考虑以前在会中宣读过的我的论文。著名的华生博士把曾经宣读过的，和从那时我寄到英国去的一切与电气有关的论文做了一个简要的报告，在报告中他对我推崇备至。这个报告就发表在他们皇家学会的会刊上。一些在伦敦的会员，特别是才智聪敏的康东先生，都证实了用一个尖针就可以把云端的电引下来，他们把结果报给了皇家学会。不久皇家学会就纠正了他们一开始对我忽视的错误，后来对我十分优待，并且给了我这样的荣誉：没有经过我的申请，他们就自动地选举我为皇家学会的会员，而且还决定豁免我缴纳按惯例要交的会费。会费是25个金币，此后他们一直免费赠送我他们的会刊。同时还给我颁发1753年高富力·科普林爵士的金质奖章，在颁发奖章的典礼上，学会会长麦克尔勋爵还发表了一篇非常客气的演说，对我大加赞许，极力推崇。
13上面提到的皇家学会的奖章由我们的新州长丹尼上尉替我带到美洲来，在费城为他举行的招待会上，他把奖章赠送给我。在转交时他对我表达了他的敬意，言语十分客气热情，他说他对我的品德仰慕已久了。饭后，当参加宴会的人按照当地的习惯喝酒的时候，他把我拉到另外一间房间里，告诉我说他在英国的朋友劝他跟我结交，他们说我能给他最好的忠告，能够辅佐他，使他的政途一帆风顺，因此他极愿意和我友好相处，他要我知道在任何时候他都愿意尽力为我效劳。他还对我说了许多关于领主对宾西法尼亚州有很多好的想法，他说如果能使议会放弃长期以来对领主各项措施的反对意见，使领主和他的臣民能够言归于好的话，对我们大家，特别是对我，都会有好处的。能够促成这一局面形成的，他说，大家都认为非我莫属，而且我还可以获得适当的酬谢和报答等等。喝酒的人看到我们迟迟不回席，就叫人送来了一瓶白葡萄酒。州长就大喝了起来，酒喝得越多，他的恳请和允诺也就更多了。
14我对这个目的的回答是：感谢上帝，我的经济状况还好，因而也不需要领主给我这些恩惠。同时，作为一个议员，我也不能从州长那里得到任何恩惠，但，我和领主之间并不存在个人嫌隙，任何时候，只要他提出来的公共措施是符合人民利益的，我一定会比任何人更热烈地拥护和赞助。我过去之所以会反对，那是因为领主所提出的措施明显是为领主个人的利益服务的，而且严重地损害了人民的利益。我说我对州长对我的好意表示感谢，他可以放心，我将尽我所能使他在执政期间尽可能地顺利，同时希望他没有像他前任那样带着不幸的指令来就任，这种指令是他的前任束手无策的。
15在这点上他当时并没有过多的解释，但是后来，在议会中处理事物的时候，领主的指令又出现了，争论于是就又出现了，我又积极投入了反对的那一面中，因为，第一次要求州长把领主指令通知议会的请求是我起草的，以后对于这些指令的意见也是我写的。这两个文件都可以在当时的决议案中和我后来发表的历史记录中找到。但是，我们私人间却没有发生过任何的恩怨，我们常常见面，他是一个学者，到过世界许多地方，谈吐十分风趣动人。他是第一个告诉我，我的老友詹姆斯·拉尔夫还活着，他还被认为是英国最卓越的政论家之一，他还在弗雷德里克亲王和国王之间的争论中服务过，每年拿300镑的年薪呢，但他作为一个诗人却没那么著名，蒲柏在他的“愚人叙事诗”中曾经攻击过他的诗，但是他的散文却被认为是一流的。
16州议会终于发现领主仍执迷不悟地坚持用指令来束缚他们的代理人州长，这种指令不但违反人民的利益，而且对英王的军务也有妨碍。因此州议会就决定到国王那控告领主，并且指定我做他们的代理人前往英国，提出请愿和进行活动。州议会曾经提交了一个议案给州长，要州长批准给国王使用的6万镑（其中1万镑可由当时的将军劳登勋爵动用），但是州长按照领主的指令坚决地拒绝通过该项议案。
17我已经和莫里斯船长商量好了，坐他的船到纽约去，而且我的行李，还有食物等一些日常必需品都已经搬到船上去了，这时，罗登勋爵忽然从费城赶来，他告诉我，他很努力在州长和议会之间斡旋，使得英王的军务大事不至于因两者之间的分歧而受到阻碍。因此他要求我和州长同他见面，他要听到双方的陈述。我们见了面，讨论了这个问题。我代表州议会提出了当时政府文件中指出了各种论争，那些文件都是我写的，在州议会的记录中有记载。州长也为他领主的指示辩护；他必须服从领主发出的训令，因为他曾允诺过，假如他不遵守的话他的一切也都完了。但是，如果劳登勋爵劝他不遵守这些指令的话，州长好像也不是不愿意冒险一试。可是劳登勋爵却没有劝他，尽管我认为我差不多都可以说服他了，但最终，劳登勋爵宁可催促议会作出让步顺从州长的意志，他恳求我利用我在州议会中的势力来达到这个目的，他声明他不能让英王分出军队来保卫我们殖民地的边疆，如果我们自己继续不做防御准备的话，我们的边境就必然容易遭受外敌的侵扰。
18我把事情的情势报告给了州议会，向他们提出了我起草的一系列议决案，在里面我申明了我们的权利，申明我们不会放弃这种权利，这一次为暴力所迫，我们不得不暂时停止使用这种权利，并且我们对这种暴力提出强烈的抗议。最后议会同意收回原来的议案，另外通过了一个符合领主指令的议案。这个议案州长当然给予了批准，这样我也可以自由地开始我的旅程。但是，在我们会谈的时候，原先我要乘的船已经载着我的旅行用的东西出发了，这对我来说也是一种损失，我得到惟一的酬劳就是劳登勋爵的几句感谢的话，而所有的功劳全都落入了他的腰包。
19他在我之前就去了纽约；因为邮船出发的时间是由他安排。这时候有两条船在港内，他说其中有一只不久就要起航。我就请他告诉我这个确切的时间，以便不会因为我的任何耽搁而错过了她。他的回复是：“我已经告诉他们让他们下个星期六出发；但是我应该告诉你，不要告诉别人，你最好是星期一早上到那，你一定要准时去，不要再耽搁了。”由于在渡口有些事的耽搁，我到达的时候已经是星期一的中午了，我非常担心我又错过了这次机会，因为这天顺风；但是后来我就放心了，因为有人告诉我这船还在港内，明天才出发呢。大家都以为我马上就要到欧洲去了，我也以为我会很快离开，不过那时我还不是很了解他贵族的性格——优柔寡断是他性格中最强的一个特征。我会举一些例子来证明这一点的。我到达纽约大概是4月初的样子，然后我想大概在6月末左右才出发那时有两条邮船，都呆在港内很久了，这都是为等将军的信件而被扣留住了，他总是说信件第二天就可以写好。又来了一条邮船也被扣留下了，在我们启航之前，第四条邮船都快要来了。我们的那条船最先出发，因为它留在港内的时间最久了。所有船只的舱位都定好了，有些旅客等得十分焦急，非常渴望动身，商人们则为他们的信件担忧，为他们已经付过保证金（因为这是在战时）的订购单担心！不过他们的焦虑是毫无用处的，因为劳登勋爵的信还是没有写好；而且每个拜访他的人都发现他整天拿着笔，伏案疾书，还以为他写的东西非常多呢。
20有天上午我亲自去问候他，在他的会客室里，我碰见了一个从费城来的使者，名叫伊倪斯，他特地从费城来为丹尼州长送一个小包裹给将军的。他交给我几封信，都是我费城朋友寄来的，我就问他什么时候回去，在什么地方歇脚，以便我可以托他带几封信回去。他说将军命令他第二天上午九时来取给州长的回信，然后立刻动身。我在当天就把信交给了他。两星期后我们又在老地方碰到了。我就跟他打招呼：“好啊，你这么快就又回来了，伊倪斯？”“回来了？！哦，不，我还没回去呢！”“这是怎么回事啊？”“这两个星期以来，我每天上午都奉命在这里来拿劳登勋爵给州长的信，可是信总没有写好。”“这怎么会呢？他是一个非常勤于动笔的人，我看他每天都坐在案头上不停地书写呢！”伊倪斯说：“是呀，但是他活像广告上的圣乔治一样，‘永远骑在马上，却寸步不前’”。这位使者的观察看起来很有道理，因为，我在英国的时候就听说皮特先生撤换这位将军的理由，就是这位大臣从来都没有接到过他的报告，无法知道他在干些什么。后来就派阿默斯特和乌尔夫两位将军接替他。
21由于每天都期待着启航，而且3艘邮船都要开往桑地·胡克，加入那里的舰队随他们一起出发，所以乘客们都认为最好是呆在船上，免得邮船突然起航而耽误了行程，所以他们就在舱里呆着。假如我没有记错的话，我们就这样在船上呆了大概6个星期，消耗了航行用的粮食，又不得不去添购。最后舰队终于出发了，那位将军和他的全军都坐了船到路易堡去，目的是去围攻和夺取那个要塞，所有随行的邮船接到命令要保护将军乘的船，等到他的公文一写好就可立刻接过来。我们在海上等了5天，才接到一封公文，准许我们离开，这时我们才离开舰队，第一次开往英国。他继续扣留着其它的两只邮船，把他们带到哈利法克斯，在那里他停留了一段时期，训练他的部队向假设的炮台进行攻击演习，接着他就放弃了攻打路易堡的计划，带着全部的人马跟那两条邮船又回到了纽约！在他不在的那段时间里，法兰西人和他的奴隶们就攻下了路易堡，在这个州的边境上，他们的奴隶们还屠杀了许多已经投降的卫戍队官兵。
22后来我在伦敦遇见了邦纳船长，他当时指挥了其中的一只邮船，他告诉我说，当他被扣留了一个月以后，他就告诉劳登勋爵他的船底长满了海藻贝壳等物，已经到了会影响他航行速度的程度，这对邮船来说上是很严重的问题，因此，他就请求给他一点时间，以便把船拉起来清除船底。将军问他需要多少时间，他回答说3天。将军回答说：“如果你能够1天就搞好的话，我就答应，否则就不行，因为后天你一定要起航了。”这样他的请求从未获得批准，尽管事后这只船一天又一天地被扣留了足足三个月之久。
23在伦敦我也见到邦纳船长的一位乘客，他气愤极了，因为劳登勋爵欺骗了他把他搁置在伦敦那么久，后来把他带到哈里法克斯，又把他带回来，他发誓他一定会提出诉讼要求赔偿。至于后来他有没有提出诉讼，我就不知道了，不过根据他所说的，他所遭受的损失是相当可观的。
24大体上讲，我很惊奇为什么像这样一个人会掌管如此重要的军政大权。但是后来看多了上层社会的是是非非，以封官赐爵的目的不择手段地攫取，就不再那么惊奇了。薛力将军，他在布莱德多克将军死后继任了他的职位，依我看，如果他不被免职的话，在1757年就会取得比劳登更好的战绩。劳登轻举妄动，奢靡浪费，使我们国家蒙受了难以想象的耻辱。尽管薛力不是一个正规军人，没有接受过什么严格的军事训练，但他是个明智的，有远见的人，而且善于听取别人有益的建议，而且有能力做出明智的计划，并且积极迅速地将其付诸实施。相反的，劳登勋爵在这次保卫战中投入了他的大军，让他们完全暴露在敌军的面前而他自己却在哈利法克斯悠闲地神气。这样，我们就丢失了乔治堡垒，他打乱了我们的商业活动，破坏了我们的贸易，长期对粮食出口的禁运，使得我们的商业感到走投无路。虽然禁止粮食出口是为了对敌人实行战略物资的封锁，但实际上只是为了压低粮食的价格，以便军中伙食承包人可以从中渔利，这是听说来的，也许仅仅是猜的，他也参与了其中的交易呢。最后当禁令撤消时，因为忘了把这个通知送到查尔斯镇去，使得停在卡罗莱纳的舰队多停留了三个月，因此他们的船底遭受了严重的虫蛀，以致大部分的船只在归途中沉没了。
25薛力，我个人认为，他对于自己的免职应该是乐意的，因为，对于一个不谙军事的人来说指挥一个庞大的军队简直就是一个沉重的负担。在费城人民欢迎劳登将军就任的酒宴上，我看到免了职的薛力也出席了。当时有很多军官、市民和陌生人参加，因此椅子不够，就像附近的居民借了一些来，其中一把椅子很低，恰巧，薛力就坐在上面。我在他旁边看见了，就对他说：“先生，他们给你的座位太低了！”他说：“没有关系，富兰克林先生，我觉得低的座位最舒适。”
26在我逗留纽约期间，我收到了替布莱德多克将军采办粮食等物品的各种帐单，在这以前，有些帐单我还没来得及从我雇佣的采办员那里收回，我把帐单送到劳登勋爵那里，请求偿付余数。他命令主管人员对这些帐单加以彻底的审查，那位军官核对每一张发款员的支票。但是他一再拖延，虽然我经常按约定的时间去取，我一直没有拿到。最后，在我动身前，他告诉我说经过仔细考虑以后，他决定不把他的帐单和他前人的帐单混在一起。他说：“你到了英国，只要把你的帐单送给国库，他们马上就会把余款还给你。”
27我在前面提到过在纽约滞留了一段时间，因而使我不得不支出巨大的额外的费用，所以我要求立即付款。我指出我办理采购时并未支取佣金，因此他们应当立即偿还我所垫付的款项，不应当再增加我的麻烦，也不能让这件事再拖延下去了。听到这样的话，他说：“唉呀，先生，你不要以为我们就相信你没有从中得到什么好处，这些事情我们很了解，我们知道所有的与军队采办有关的人员，他们都有办法从中中饱私囊的。”我使尽了办法让他确信我的情况并非如此，我并没有因此赚一文钱，但是他显然还是不相信我的话。后来，我确实听说了有人常从这样的工作中发大财。至于他们对我的欠款，至今还没有偿还，以后我还要提到的。
28在我们出发前，我们的船长大大地夸奖了他那只船的速度很快。但是不幸的是，航行开始后，就证明它是96只船中行动最慢的一只了，这使得船长非常沮丧。关于行动迟缓的原因船长做了很多假设，这时，我们遇上了一条和我们行动差不多缓慢的船只，然而，那只船却赶上我们了。船长就命令全体人员跑到船尾去，尽可能地站在旗杆附近。连乘客在内，我们约共有40人。当我们站在船尾的时候，我们船的速度明显加快了，不久就赶上了她附近的那条船，并把她甩在了后面。这就证明我们的一个设想，船速度慢的原因是因为在船头上放的重物太多了。看起来，大桶的淡水全放在船头是主要的原因了；因此船长就命令都把他们移到后面去，这样一来，我们的船就恢复了它的特性，成为全队中最快速的帆船了。
29那位船长说这条船最高的速度，曾经达到过13英里，因此照这样的计算起来，也就是每小时13英里了。我们都站在甲板上，一个乘客，肯尼迪上校，他极力辩说这是不可能的，没有船会开得这么快，一定是船长把测线上的表度弄错了，或是投掷测线的时候出了毛病。他们两个人就打赌，等到顺风的时候就可以决出胜负。于是肯尼迪就仔细察看那根测线，认为满意后，他就自己亲自动手来测量。过了几天，当风力很强，又是顺风的时候，邮船的船长说路特威说他相信当时船行的速度是13英里，肯尼迪就进行了测量实验，但他赌输了。
30我记载上面这个事实是为了证明下面的观察。据说，在造船的工艺中一个缺陷，一般人们不容易发现它，直到船下水航行了以后人们才知道它的好坏；因为，尽管你按着一条好船的样式来造，但等你造好了以后往往会得到相反的结果，新船反而变得相当呆板，不灵活。我想这一部分可能是由于海员们对于装货、装帆和驶帆的方式各不相同，每人都有他自己独到的办法。同一条船在一个船长的判断和命令下装货，行驶起来也许会比在另一个船长的指挥下或快或慢。并且，没有一条船是由同一个人制造、装备和驾驶的。一个人造船身，另一个装帆，3个人装货和行驶它，他们当中没有一个人能够完全了解其他人的思想和经验，因此当这几方面合在一起的时候，就很难得到正确的结论了。
31即使在海上简单的驾驶技术方面，我也常常看到在不同的值班时间里，不同船员的做法不同，虽然风力并没有变大或变小。一个船员比另一个把帆蓬扯到多一些或少一些，这样看起来，驾驶技术方面就似乎没有一个可供参考的规则。然而，我想或许可以做一系列的实验：首先，决定最佳航速的船身式样；第二，最合适的桅杆尺寸和放置桅杆最合适的尺寸位置；接着帆蓬的式样、数量和跟着不同风向的不同扯帆的方式；最后是装货的方法。这是一个实验的年代，我想这样一系列的精确设计和与之匹配的实验应该是大有用处的。因此，我相信在不久的将来，一些聪明的科学家们会从事这样的研究的，我真心祝福他们成功！
32在海上航行的时候我们遭遇了几次敌人的攻击，但是我们比任何人都走得快，在30天之内我们就行到了浅水地区了。我们的航海测量很准确，船长根据他的判断把我们带到靠我们港口法尔莫斯非常近的地方，如果我们在夜间快速航行的话，那么早晨我们或许就停在港口了，而且夜间航行还可以避开敌方船只的注意，因为他们常在海港附近巡逻。于是我们就拉起了所有的帆，那天风力也强，我们向前航行着，速度非常快。船长在测量后定了航线，我们还以为可以远远地避开西黎群岛；但是在圣乔治海峡里似乎时不时地有一股强烈的对岸流，它经常使海员们上当，曾经使克劳斯莱·薛夫尔爵士的舰队覆没。这股对岸流很有可能就是我们出事的原因。
33我们派了一个人在船头看守，还不时地提醒他：“仔细看前面的地方！”他就回答：“是，是”；但很有可能他这个时候正闭着眼睛打瞌睡呢；他们有时候只是机械地回答，因为他连我们前面的灯都没有看到，那个灯恰好藏在副帆当中，所以掌舵的和其他值班的人都没有看到，还是由于船身偶然的一偏才发现了这个大危险，我们这个时候离它很近了，这个等在我看来似乎有车轮那么大。这时侯正是午夜时分，我们的船长睡得正香，但是肯尼迪上校跳到了甲板上，看到了危险，就命令我们调转船头，把所有的风蓬都扯住，停止向前航行；这样的操作对桅杆来说是非常危险的，但是这样一来倒使我们逃脱一场沉船的劫难。因为我们那时正向安装灯塔的岩石冲去。这次脱险使我非常强烈地感到灯塔的作用，也使得我决心提倡在美洲建立更多的灯塔，假如我能够生还回美洲的话。
34早上通过声纳等仪器的测试，我们发现我们就在海港附近，但是我们眼前的大陆却被蒙上了厚厚的一团雾。大概在九点的时候，雾才开始散去，就像在戏院里帷幕一样，雾在水下慢慢升起；在雾下面我们看到了法尔莫斯的市镇、港内的船只和四周的田野。对那些长时期以来除了单调的大海就别无所见的人来说这真是一幅动人的景画，同时使我们感到快乐的是现在我们不必再为战争焦虑了。
35我和我儿子立刻出发到伦敦去了，在路上我们只稍稍停留了一下，参观索尔兹伯里平原上的史前石柱，还有在威尔顿的彭布罗克勋爵的私邸、花园以及他的非常珍奇的古玩。我们在1757年7月27日到达了伦敦。
到这里自传结束了，并由温姆·汤普·富兰克林和他的后继者们出版，接下来的文章是富兰克林博士在他的晚年所写的，在毕哥娄先生的版本（1868版）里第一次用英语刊印出来。
36当我们一到伦敦，查理先生早已替我安排好了寓所，我就去拜访了富特吉尔博士，有人向他大力推荐我，还有人建议我向他咨询有关我的诉讼的程序。他反对马上向政府提出控告，主张先跟领主们商量商量，经过朋友们的调停和劝导，领主们或许愿意友好解决这件事。接着，我又去访问了老朋友和信使皮特·柯立迅先生，他告诉我那个维吉尼亚大商人约翰·韩布雷要求他，我一到就马上通知他，他会把我引见给格兰威尔勋爵，这位勋爵是枢密院的议长，他希望能够尽快见到我。我同意第二天上午与韩不雷同去。于是他就来接我，我们坐在他的马车上一起去见那位贵人。格兰威尔勋爵待我非常谦恭，他询问了一些有关美洲现状的问题，我们交换了一下意见，接着他就对我说：“你们美洲人对于自己的政体有一种错误的认识：你们力争的国王对他的州长的训令并不是法律，并不能如你们所想的那样随意遵守。但是这些训令个别公使出国时所带的有关细小礼节方面的袖珍指南是不同的，他们首先是由熟悉法律的法官们起草的，然后在枢密院里经过深思熟虑、讨论、修改，最后由国王签署。所以这些训令，从你们的角度来看是国法，因为英王是‘殖民地的立法者’。”我告诉勋爵这对我来说是全新的规矩。我总是按我们的特点来理解，认为我们的法律就是由我们议会制定的，当然要报请国王批准，但是国王批准了以后他就不能再随意更改他们，并且议会也不能不经过国王的批准就制定永久性的法律，同时不经过议会的同意国王也不能制定法律。他坚持我这样的想法是错误的，但我并不这样认为，然而，与勋爵的谈话使我对于英王政府对我们的可能的想法有点担心，我一回到寓所，就把这次谈话记录下来了。我记得大概在20年之前，内阁向国会提出的议案中有这么一个条款：提出把国王的训令当做殖民地的法律，但是众议院否决了它，当时我们还因此拥护他们，以为他们是我们的朋友，自由的友人。到了1756年从他们对我们的行动中来看，他们以前拒绝授予国王这一统治权目的只不过是为了替自己保留这一特权罢了。
37几天以后，富特吉尔博士向领主们提起了这件事，他们都同意在春园，Ｔ·潘恩先生的房子里会见我。谈话开始双方都愿意寻求一个合理解决问题的方式，但是我想每个派别对“合理”都有自己的观点，接着我们就讨论了我们控诉的几点问题，我还要一一列举的。领主们尽力为他们的行为辩护。我们之间有距离，这不同观点之间的分歧是如此的大，以致我们根本就没有什么达成一致意见的希望。然而，会议决定要我把控诉的项目用书面的形式写下来呈给他们看，他们允诺会仔细考虑的。不久我就这样做了，但是他们把我们的控诉书交给了他们的律师斐迪南·约汗·鲍黎，他在那些领主和邻州马里兰的领主巴尔的摩勋爵的大诉讼案中替他们办理过法律事务，这件大诉讼案已经持续了70年之久。领主们和州议会之间的争执的所有文件和咨文也是他执笔的。他生性傲慢，脾气暴躁，因为过去在州议会的复文中我有时会对他的文件抨击的比较厉害，这些文件实际上也是说理浅薄，措辞无理，所以他跟我结下了不解之怨，每次我们见面，他总是露出这样的仇恨情绪，领主们提出要我和他单独讨论控诉的各项事务时，我断然拒绝了，除了领主们自己亲自和我谈以外，我不想和任何人谈这样的事。后来，根据鲍黎的建议，他们把我的控诉交给了检察长和副检察长，要求他们提出意见和处理办法。在他们两位的手里，这件案子差不多放了快一年了，因为还差8天就一整年。在这期间，我多次要求领主们的答复，但是他们的回答是还没有接到检察长和副检察长的意见。但是当他们接到检察长和副检察长的意见时，我从未曾知晓这里面的实际内容，因为他们不告诉我。但是他们写了一篇由鲍黎起草和签署的冗长的咨文，寄给了州议会，讲到了我的控诉书，说我粗鲁无礼，措辞不当，同时也替他们浅薄的行为做了辩解，最后表示如果州议会派一个“公正坦率的人”来跟他们谈判，他们才愿意和解。他们用这种方式暗示我不是这样的人选。
38他们认为的粗鲁和无礼，可能是指我写给他们的文件中没有冠上他们的尊称——“宾西法尼亚州真正的绝对的领主”。我之所以没有写是因为我认为在这个文件中没有必要，这个文件的目的只是把我口头所讲的用文字写下来而已。
但是在耽搁期间，州议会劝服丹尼州长通过了一个议案，领主们的财产也要和普通人民的财产一样纳税，这是争执中的焦点，州议会也就没有答复领主们的咨文了。
39当这个议案送到英国来的时候，根据鲍黎的建议，领主们决定反对，并且要国王批准他们的反对意见。于是他们在枢密院里向国王请愿，接着枢密院就定好时间审案，领主们雇佣了两个律师反对这个议案，我也雇佣了两个律师来拥护这个议案。他们陈述这个议案的目的是为了减轻人民的负担而使领主的财产承担过重的捐税，如果这个议案继续有效的话，领主们在捐税方面就只好由人民任意摆布，他们最终会破产的。我们辩护说，这个议案没有这样的意图，也不会产生这样的结果，估税员都是诚实而谨慎的人，他们立誓要公平合理地估税，如果从增加领主们的税额中获得减轻自己的捐税的希望是很小的，他们决不因此背弃这样的誓约。根据我的记忆，这是双方陈辞的主要观点，此外我们已经发行了10万镑金额的纸币，供给英王使用，用于英王的军事预算，现在纸币已经在民间流通了，议案一旦被废除，在人民手中的纸币就成了废纸了，许多人会因此而破产，将来要发行补助金就完全没有把握了。我们强调指出领主的损人利己的品质，他们仅仅是因为害怕他们的财产会负担过重的捐税而教唆他人阻挠这一法律，给人们造成这样巨大的灾难。讲到这里，枢密院的一位大臣曼司非尔德勋爵站了起来，向我招手，当律师还在辩论的时候，他把我拉到秘书室里，问我是否在执行这项法律的时候领主的财产真正不会受到歧视。我说那是当然。他说：“那你不反对立约担保这一点吧？”我说：“并不反对。”接着他把鲍黎叫了进来，经过一些讨论以后，双方都接受了曼司非尔德勋爵的建议。枢密院的秘书起草了一个文件，我和查理先生都在上面签了字，查理先生是宾州的代理人，处理日常事务的，然后曼司非尔德勋爵回到了枢密院的会议室，最后这条法律就批准了。但是枢密院建议作某些修正，我们也保证把这些修正放在附属法里，但是州议会认为没有这样的必要，因为在枢密院的命令到达之前，这个法律的第一年的捐税已经征收了。州议会指定了一个委员会检查估税员的工作，他们委任了几个领主们的密友作为委员。经过一番详细的调查后，他们全体一致签署了一个报告，证明估税工作是完全公正无私的。
40州议会认为我所订立的这项法律的第一部分是对宾州的一个重大的贡献，因为它巩固了流通在全国各处的纸币的信用。当我回来的时候他们正式向我表示感谢。但是领主们恨透了丹尼州长，因为他批准了这项议案，他们就撤消了他的职务，威胁他要控告他违背他所立的信约。但是他是奉将军的命令行事，并且是为了英王陛下的军务，同时他在英国宫廷里也认识一些有权有势的人，所以他根本不把这些威胁放在眼里，实际上，这些威胁也从来没有起过作用。
Part 8
1Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.
2During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.
3This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.
4Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice.
5We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny.
6Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.
In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders.
7To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house,with which they furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air.
8Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.
9It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbé Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them.
10I once purpos'd answering the Abbé, and actually began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the Abbé's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the Abbé; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B—, of Paris, his élève and immediate disciple.
11What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity.
12Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which be accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured.
13Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.
14My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hamper'd with.
15On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employ'd in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year;that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was thought as good as any man's.
16The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of ?60,000 for the king's use (?10,000 of which was subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.
17I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and discuss'd the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.
18I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.
19He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, \"I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer.\" By some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.
20Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where be lodg'd, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him again in the same place. \"So, you are soon return'd, Innis?\" \"Returned! no, I am not gone yet.\" \"How so?\" \"I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready.\" \"Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire.\" \"Yes,\" says Innis, \"but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on.\" This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.
21This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready.We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.
22I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The general replied, \"If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow.\" So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months.
23I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
24On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.
25Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, \"They have given you, sir, too low a seat.\" \"No matter,\" says he, \"Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest.\"
26While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. \"And you,\" says he, \"when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately.\"
27I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, \"0, sir,\" says he, \"you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets.\" I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.
28Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the sailer in the fleet.
29The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager lost.
30The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.
31Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.
32We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.
33We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, \"Look well out before there,\" and he as often answered, \"Ay ay; \" but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America, if I should live to return there.
34In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasion'd.
35I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757.
Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last year of Dr. Franklin's life, and was first printed (in English) in Mr. Bigelow's edition of 1868.—ED.
36As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: \"You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the LEGISLATOR OF THE COLONIES.\" I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for themselves.
37After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out \"some person of candour\" to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.
38The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce.
But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.
39When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they petition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, ?100,000, being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. \"Then,\" says he, \"you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point.\" I answer'd, \"None at all.\" He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.
40The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond t